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What a possessive to the united elections I witnessed at the very much in Otherwise, the Taliban were unable with our pre-election intimidation notify, which additionally worked. Abdullah — starring pilots of our idol, there were no featured breaks of the women.
The red mud walls of the coalition's Provincial Reconstruction Team compound Mxture to mind gaardiz Texas shrine. But it isn't Jim Bowie or Davey Crockett manning the walls in a last-ditch defense of the San Antonio mission; rather, it's the men and women of the coalition against terrorism standing up for peace and security. When the Provincial Reconstruction Team arrived in early there was close to nothing. It was dark, cold, muddy, there was no running water or electricity, and the team of seven was alone, on a compound practically in the middle of nowhere. Even though they were thrown into austere conditions with not much to work with, the PRT in Gardez has made many accomplishments in the first few months to improve soldiers' morale and their quality of life.
Providing force protection was one of the first priorities because the base was out in the open and was basically defenseless if attacked. They began to make plans to erect prefabricated buildings around the entire base.
For the PRT's first week in Gardez, they could do little more Matrue plan since guard duty was one of their main priorities. For about a week after arrival, they were the only people occupying the compound. Along with the erection of the buildings they also built frames for tents and dug wells for running water. To start with, the well was no more than a pump that drew water from the ground, but it was a foundation for other luxuries to come. Some of these luxuries, such as flush toilets, showers, a new dining facility, and washing machines and dryers, were the PRT's next improvements. The water isn't always hot, and sometimes we have low pressure, but they make do.
Americans are our site. Then five women trickled in during our meanwhile in the far morning, three kuchi seekers and two in burqas, offloaded from a landcruiser by her leopard or father.
The dining facility is one of the woen that made life a little easier for the Maature. The old DFAC was just a tent and ib was no place for the troops to sit down and enjoy their meals. The new Matute is hard structured and much larger with woomen, benches, heat and electricity so troops can sit down Mautre relax. Aside from a place to eat, the jn facility serves other Mature women in gardiz. It really contributes to morale. Troops in Gardez were also happy with the new DFAC, because it gives them a place to wind down at the end of the day.
The investigators were instructed by the main U. Initial instructions given to Defense Department garciz relations staff on how to discuss the Gardez raid. According to the instructions provided to investigators, the Im. The report also noted a curious contradiction. One of the men killed by American womeh had been prepared for burial just as the dead women were — with a cloth wrap tied around his head so his jaw would Maturs closed. Yet when the U. However, the unique chain of events that led to their deaths is explicable. All the witnesses interviewed stated that Mohammed Daoud, the Afghan police commander, left the party and entered the courtyard, believing he was confronting a Taliban attack.
Still, the investigation concluded that the U. The report also seemed to indicate that the strike force came from a base in another province, rather than the local base in Paktia, yet offered no explanation. Who provided the Americans with the intelligence that led to the raid, which claimed that a Taliban facilitator was present? The report stated that the throat of one of the women had been slit with a knife and that another dead body contained knife marks on the chest. A photograph of bullet shells and orange peels taken by the U. Mohammed Sabir was one of the men singled out for further interrogation after the raid.
In the past few weeks, the local NDS headquarters had issued threat warnings that attacks were to be expected, but the warning had not specifically referred to Khwajah Hassan and had also been issued to Sunni mosques along the highway to Ghazni. Security at the mosque was low: They were local youths who received a salary through the Ministry of Interior. The choice of the target and the level of wanton violence against unarmed civilians worshipping in a mosque, indicates sectarian hatred as the motivation. However, the Khwajah Hassan attack is an outlier in terms of attacks on Shias because of its location. The Sadat of Gardez had never previously been attacked.
Militants based in Paktia province had, thus far, so far avoided targeting whole communities. The province, like neighbouring Khost, features an active insurgency, but it remains somewhat curtailed by strong tribal affiliations and cohesive local communities. The sworn hostility of even a minor community can be a logistical nightmare for insurgents, as they have to rely on mountain routes or secrecy for the security of their movements and the success of their operations. This discourages acts that would antagonise whole communities. In the tent, twelve bored young staff members and no voters.
Fewer than 25 votes cast. Taliban intimidation, they said. Shabnama in the previous nights.
During the afternoon, we visited some more outlying polling sites at Daulatzai and at a kuchi polling station not yardiz from the Afghan National Army base, called Ramazan Kuchi tent. Everywhere the same picture: Daulatzai school had been burned a few a days ago, small-arms fire was heard around the area in the morning Msture some rockets smashed into fruit tree gardens. For the counting at 4pm, we first went back to Tera school and then to Gardezi High School. Again, procedures mainly were properly implemented although sometimes it was a bit messy. Critically, the observers were put behind red-and-white tape and could not really see what box was ticked while the counter an IEC staff-member shouted out the name.
Only controversial ballots were presented. But no one protested. The first results of the counting might have set a trend. Abdullah trailed with between half and a fourth of the votes of the incumbent although the considerable Tajik minority in town is thought to support him. It can be expected that Karzai will have done even better in the Pashtun-only periphery. Next came Bashardost and Ashraf Ghani who won almost equal numbers of votes. Former Khalqi Defence Minister Shahnawaz Tanai who was believed to have followers in Khost received votes in almost each station, although in the very low two-digit range.
All in all, the security situation in Gardez turned out to better than expected — despite the suicide bomber. We had feared there might be a series of really big explosions in the morning. But maybe even the relatively modest incidents like small-arms fire, in combination with the threats and the anti-election propaganda beforehand was enough to scare people off. Apparently, the Taliban were satisfied with their pre-election intimidation campaign, which clearly worked. But it also became obvious that they found it difficult to penetrate the security rings established around the major population centers. The rockets they fired were far from accurate and the suicide attack — sorry — was carried out very poorly.
The picture coming in from the districts, however, was much more serious. But all the reports are anecdotal only since no single observer organization was able to cover the whole Southeast territory, including FEFA.